Country's Political Landscape Research Articles

Philippine English in the political speeches of President Rodrigo Duterte

AbstractThe rise of Rodrigo Duterte to power after the 2016 national elections in the Philippines quickly and drastically altered the country's political landscape. This is observed in the language choices of Duterte, in political speeches delivered during his administration. However, these ‘dutertisms’ have already been observed even before the national elections. This paper considers the years before Duterte became President and analyses his language practices in some of his campaign speeches. Using Davis's Lapu‐Lapu Factor as a lens, I attempt to trace how Duterte has successfully weaponised his brand of English, heavily textured by his heritage language Davao Bisaya, to win votes in the national elections.

The Dark Side of Indonesia’s Democracy: Does Pancasila still hold influence?

Indonesia's transition to democracy has been celebrated globally, yet beneath the surface lies a complex interplay between democratic principles and the enduring influence of Pancasila, the state ideology. This paper delves into the less-explored facets of Indonesia's democracy, probing whether Pancasila still exerts significant influence in shaping the country's political landscape. The analysis begins by contextualizing Indonesia's democratic journey, tracing its evolution from the authoritarian era to the present. It then examines the foundational principles of Pancasila and their historical significance, emphasizing its role as a unifying force amidst Indonesia's diverse socio-cultural landscape. Drawing on recent political developments, the paper investigates instances where Pancasila's influence intersects with democratic ideals, as well as instances where tensions arise. It explores how Pancasila has been invoked both to promote national unity and to justify restrictions on dissent and minority rights. Furthermore, the paper assesses the implications of Pancasila's enduring influence on Indonesia's democratic governance, particularly in relation to issues of political pluralism, freedom of expression, and minority rights. It highlights the challenges of reconciling Pancasila's collectivist ethos with democratic principles of individual rights and freedoms. Through this analysis, the paper contributes to a deeper understanding of Indonesia's democracy by shedding light on its complexities and contradictions. It underscores the need for critical reflection on the role of Pancasila in shaping democratic norms and practices, urging for a nuanced approach that upholds democratic principles while honoring Indonesia's unique socio-cultural heritage.

The Impact of Wish-Zalmayan's Activities on the Awakening of Afghan Intellectuals

In an era characterized by the formidable challenges of political engagement under the leadership of Sardar Shah Mehmood Khan, a group of determined intellectuals coalesced to form the Wish-Zalmayan Party. This collective endeavor witnessed the party's prominent members disseminating scholarly articles through the Angar Gazette, the official publication of the party under the stewardship of Faiz Mohammad Angar. This article undertakes a comprehensive exploration of various facets of Wish-Zalmayan's activities, encompassing its mission, organizational structure, membership requisites, and the provincial branches' activities. Further-more, this article underscores the enduring relevance of these historical developments. Notably, some leading figures from the Wish-Zalmayan Party went on to establish other political entities. For instance, Noor Muhammad Tarakai founded the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan, ushering in significant trans-formations upon ascending to power. Additionally, several offshoot parties emerged from the same intellectual movement, actively participating in the country's political landscape and exerting influence on its political trajectory. Within this context, the article furnishes valuable insights and preliminary analyses. It highlights the role of Wish-Zalmayan in instigating the parliamentary campaign and holding government officials accountable. Their accomplishments are underscored by their pursuit of lofty objectives during exceptionally challenging circumstances, targeting reforms deemed indispensable for societal progress. Their strategy encompassed parliamentary and press campaigns, culminating in the establishment of a structured political organization that successfully galvanized the country's intellectuals to champion peaceful advocacy - a remarkable milestone in Afghanistan's political history.

THE INTERSECTION OF ISLAM AND POLITICS IN INDONESIA'S LOCAL AUTONOMY ERA

The article examines the impact of local governance on Islam and politics in Indonesia, examining how decentralization of power has allowed local politicians to collaborate with Islamic organizations and parties to affect local policy. Local officials have been accused of Islamization, which entails promoting Islamic ideals and practices through governmental policy. The article examines the issue of mixing religion and politics, stressing that some Indonesians feel Islam should be crucial in the country's political landscape. In contrast, others believe religion and politics should be kept separate. After reviewing the many perspectives on Islam and politics in Indonesia, the article finishes by underlining the need for a more harmonious interaction between these two sectors. It emphasizes the existence of inter-religious conflicts in Indonesia, some of which have been fuelled by politicians' exploitation of sectarianism to further their interests. As a result, the paper suggests that politicians and policymakers adopt a more inclusive approach that respects religious diversity and encourages communication among different religious groups. This essay proposes that education and the media can promote inter-religious harmony and tolerance, resulting in a more peaceful and prosperous society.

Women Issues in Pakistan’s Politics: A Case of Psychological and Economic Challenges

Women's issues in Pakistani politics continue to be a pressing concern, reflecting the complex challenges faced by women in the country's political landscape. Women in Pakistan face a range of psychological and economic issues within the realm of politics, which can significantly hinder their full participation in the political arena. Psychologically, many women grapple with the pervasive gender bias and discrimination present in the political landscape. The deeply entrenched patriarchal culture often leads to a lack of recognition and respect for women's contributions, affecting their self-esteem and self-confidence. Women in politics frequently endure derogatory comments, harassment, and even threats, resulting in anxiety and fear that can deter them from active political engagement. While, economically women in Pakistan's politics often struggle due to limited access to resources and funding. Running for office and maintaining a political career can be financially demanding, and many women lack the financial means to compete effectively. Traditional gender roles and societal norms often place economic restrictions on women, making it difficult for them to access campaign resources, hire staff, or travel for political activities. This economic disadvantage hampers their ability to build a strong political presence and may limit their career prospects. However, to address these psychological and economic issues, Pakistan must implement policies and programs that empower women in politics. This study examines the challenges face by women psychologically and economically in Pakistan’s politics and suggests suitable measures to strengthen the role of women in politics.  

PAN's Political Communication on Instagram: Analyzing Celebrity Politicians' Messages

The 2024 general election in Indonesia carries significant importance as it provides the nation with an opportunity to exercise its democratic rights and actively participate in shaping the country's political landscape. As the cornerstone of Indonesia's Unitary State, the election mandates direct, public, free, confidential, honest, and fair representation based on Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution. This study focuses on Partai Amanat Nasional (PAN), one of the prominent political parties participating in the election, and examines its political communication strategies on Instagram. The research delves into the content and style of Instagram posts made by PAN's celebrity politicians, who have backgrounds in the entertainment industry. By employing content analysis, the study identifies three types of messages conveyed by these celebrity politicians: political messages, political events, and non-political messages. The analysis uncovers PAN's efforts to establish a dynamic online presence and engage with the audience through a diverse content mix. Furthermore, the research explores the unique characteristics of Instagram Reels, which constitute the majority of PAN's posts, and their alignment with the short attention spans of netizens. Reels offer a powerful communication channel for politicians to connect with their audience and disseminate their political messages effectively.

Navigating the Paradox of Democracy and Military Control: An Analysis of an Imaginary Country's Political Landscape

Navigating the Paradox of Democracy and Military Control: An Analysis of an Imaginary Country's Political Landscape

Another Country: Cuban Communism and Black Self-Determination, 1932–1936

AbstractBetween 1932 and 1935, the Cuban Communist Party (PCC) argued that the majority-Black population of Oriente, the island's easternmost province, should be granted the right to national self-determination. While this policy has often been dismissed as a passing aberration, I argue that Black self-determination in fact left a lasting imprint both on the PCC and on the country's political landscape. I draw on research in Cuban and Russian archives to show that, far from being imposed on local Communists by the Comintern, the policy was most clearly formulated by Cubans, including leading members of African descent. I further show that it served as the focal point for the development of the PCC's antiracist stance, which by the end of the decade had made it a leading proponent of equality. Self-determination was integral to that transformation, which reshaped the party's composition and social basis for years to come.

Self-Determination, Multinational Federalism and an Emerging Threat in Ethiopia: A Decolonial Approach

Abstract With the coming to power of Abiy Ahmed in April 2018 following a popular movement that was initially sparked in Oromia and then spread to other regions, there was a short period of euphoria over the country's political landscape. Ethiopians and the international community alike were optimistic of democratic transition that would lead to the opening up of political and media spaces, fair and free elections, consolidation of the multinational federal system, the strengthening of autonomy of regional states, peace and stability, equitable resource distribution and equal socioeconomic opportunities for citizens. But, to the dismay of many observers, Abiy and his entourages shifted the narrative to the restoration of imperial system rather than strengthening the already existing multinational federal system. The return to imperial imaginations is both discursively and practically evident in Ethiopia's political discourses, in particular since 2018. Polarized political views between supporters and critics of multinational federalism have not only created a tense political environment but also partly contributed to the war in Tigray and Oromia. The country's three-decade long experiment with the federal system now faces a serious challenge of reversal. As the thesis and antithesis of multinational federalism have become salient forces shaping the country's political order, this article seeks to contribute to the existing debate, in particular contextualizing the discussion within decolonial literature. I argue that the current controversy over the nature of state structure is part of the struggle between forces promoting the right to self-determination and those favoring a unitary system.

Beliefs and Attitude towards Political Advertising During Malaysia's GE14 Political Tsunami

The recent General Election in Malaysia has seen the opposition alliance form the government for the first time in its history. The tsunami that changed the country's political landscape has largely been attributed to the participation of young voters and the effect of political advertising transmitted through social media. Drawing upon the theory of reasoned action, the study tests the scale of beliefs about political advertising in relation to attitude towards political advertising among young voters. While the first phase of the study validated the belief components, the second phase tested and confirmed the effect of the belief components on attitude. As a result, three belief components of political advertising were extracted, including core values, actual values,andexternal values. The findings indicated that young Malaysian voters hold unfavourablebeliefs aboutpolitical advertising. Moreover, the beliefs about advertising’s core and external values have a direct effect on attitude towards political advertising. Given young voters use social media for nearly every aspect of their lives, the findings underscore the importance of understanding the potential effect of negative political advertising and its external elements during election campaigns.

Appearances can be Deceptive: Political Polarization, Agrarian Policy, and Coalitional Presidentialism in Brazil

What can we infer about the effect of polarized politics on the Brazilian policy‐making process? We attempt to answer this question by analyzing the country's political landscape and focusing on one specific policy issue concerning agrarian policies, an area that is exposed to much ideological conflict for both the left and right wing. We show how the mechanism has worked in this case to mitigate the polarization effects. Two political groups monopolized national elections over the past two decades sharing very different positions concerning ideological preferences. In this article, we recognize polarization between the two leading parties, but argue that the Brazilian political system features the dynamics of coalitional presidentialism that mitigates party preferences. We analyze funding data for small farmers and rural settlements for the period 1995‐2016, arriving at the conclusion that the agrarian policy of the competing parties resembled one another, despite political polarization.Related ArticlesOndetti, Gabriel. 2008. “Up and Down with the Agrarian Question: Issue Attention and Land Reform in Contemporary Brazil.” Politics & Policy 36 (4): 510‐541. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2008.00120.xSegatto, Catarina Ianni, and Daniel Béland. 2018. “The Limits of Partisanship: Federalism, the Role of Bureaucrats, and the Path to Universal Health Care Coverage in Brazil.”Politics & Policy 46 (3): 416‐441. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12252Wolff, Michael Jerome. 2019. “Sharing Authority: The Politics and Practice of Community Policing in the Brazilian Slum.” Politics & Policy 47 (4): 748‐774. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12322

INTERNET USE AND PROTEST POLITICS IN SOUTH KOREA AND TAIWAN

AbstractThis study examines the association between Internet use and protest politics in South Korea and Taiwan, using secondary data from the sixth wave (2010–14) of the World Values Survey. The data show that Internet use is positively associated with low-cost protest acts, like signing a petition. Internet use is also correlated with the willingness to consider higher-cost actions such as attending demonstrations and joining in boycotts. But it does not appear to consistently increase actual protests of this sort. Discussion is made to address comparable opportunity structures for protest politics in the two East Asian democracies, where the Internet is deeply integrated into the country's political landscape.

Reflections On The Framework Of Water Governance In South Africa

South Africa is a water scarce country and faces challenges of water distribution and fair allocation. In the country's political landscape water thus took a center stage position in the past and continues to do so. Water has been politicized since the 1950s and represents a technological flagship of the country. In preceding decades engineering aspects dominated the legal, policy, and decision‐making water landscape. At the same time water policies reinforced the ideas of apartheid and disempowerment. The early 1980s saw legislation focusing more on the conservation of natural agricultural resources by maintaining the production potential of land with special focus given to combating and preventing soil erosion and the weakening or destruction of water sources. With the advent of a democratic South Africa in 1994, the 1956 Water Act was abolished and replaced with two Acts, viz. the National Water Act (NWA of 1998) and the Water Services Act (WSA of 1997) reflecting a massive regime shift that was aimed at transformation, empowerment, and economic growth. Overall, South Africa's water legislation is highly innovative, due to a constitutional right to water and a healthy environment reflected by the so‐called Reserve allocated to human use and the environment. Further, the water legislation is based on a highly integrated approach, catchment‐based management, and underpinned by strong participatory principles. Its implementation though is not without problems, these mainly being lack of adequate approaches and enforcement as well a deskilling, staff turn‐over and coordination challenges in government. In conclusion, the paper shows that the sector's legislation appears to be in a continual state of flux, and the transparencies of the 1990s are seemingly diminishing, with the decentralization initiatives in the field of water legislation of two decades ago appearing to be replaced by a recentralization. The latter is in urgent need of further investigations by scientists of all disciplines in order to better understand the forces at play.

Appraising Myanmar's Democratic Transition and Evolving Challenges

AbstractDemocratic transitions in Asia have received widespread interest in the political science literature since the 1990s. The Thein Sein-led government that came into power in 2010 in Myanmar has undertaken wide ranging reforms that has altered the country's political landscape. They include evolving a working relationship with the political opposition, freeing political prisoners, and the granting of amnesty to political exiles to encourage their return, the negotiation of ceasefire agreements with almost all of the ethnic insurgent armies and the inauguration of the Myanmar Peace Centre. Nonetheless, the county continues to suffer from ongoing developments that retard the process of democratization as well. A confluence of interest between the NLD, ethnic groups, and civil society organizations also prompted attempts to change the 2008 Constitution and its by-laws that prevented Aung San Suu Kyi from running for the country's presidency. That attempt and the potential for reform were scuttled by the August 2015 ‘coup’ against Thura Shwe Mann. The NLD's overwhelming victory in the November elections has significantly strengthened Suu Kyi's position and all major political actors including those from the military have been conciliatory towards the election outcome and there is cause for cautious optimism. After 6 months in power, the policy priorities of the new government are also clearer.

Do Power-Sharing Systems Behave Differently amid Regional Uprisings? Lebanon in the Arab Protest Wave

This article examines Lebanon's political dynamics in the context of the 2011 protest wave, and seeks to integrate events in the small republic within the broader literature written on the contagion effects of the uprisings. It argues that the uprisings ' trajectories provide a terrain to better understand Lebanon 's politics of sectarianism and their interactions with the region's upheavals. The article focuses on analyzing how power-sharing along sectarian lines exacerbates conflict while hampering collective action and democratic advances.The box may be shut now, but the goblins of sectarianism are still on the loose.1The 2011 wave of uprisings did more than reframe the lines of inquiry on political change in the region,2 they also prompted scholars to seek new understandings for the ways in which the protests were diffused.3 Scholars have questioned whether the successive protests could be interpreted through the prism of Mark Granovetter's concept of cascading effects4 and whether or not they would augur a regional wave of democratization.5 One central question is why popular protests spread to certain societies while others were unreceptive to their spread.6 Lebanon for example, a fragmented state home to 18 different sects, did not participate in the regional wave of uprisings. Although Lebanese society's participation in the revolutionary movement that took hold of the world has been marginal, the country's political landscape experienced its repercussions.7 Since the outbreak of the uprisings in December 2010, Lebanon indeed watched the protests unfold with vigilance. While it was able to remain relatively undis- turbed during the onset of the protests, it was soon drawn into the region's moving sands.Due to its distinctive sociopolitical dynamics and the fact that it did not experi- ence any large scale protests of its own, the Lebanese case has thus far been only su- perficially integrated into comparative debates on the protests. Only a handful of analysts working on Lebanon set out to explore why Lebanese society - a society ripe for sociopolitical change - did not succumb to the region's mass protest dynamics,8 and why the Lebanese political system began to display illiberal political trends9 in the context of what has been framed as the Arab Democratic Spring.10 According to watchdog organizations, since the outbreak of the revolts Lebanon has registered a decline in democratic indicators,11 and has been gripped by recurrent political crises.12 While Freedom House attributed this decline to a backlash effect against the re- volts, other observers have described Lebanon as being in a waiting mode, with its society watching closely for clues as to how the uprisings would unfold.13In this article, I analyze why Lebanon was impermeable to the diffusion of popu- lar protests, yet highly vulnerable to the spillover effects brought on by these events. I argue for an analytical framework wider than a simple juxtaposition of Lebanese dynamics against the background of the uprisings. More particularly, I reconcep- tualize the Lebanese case within the wave of protests in a way that focuses more clearly on its political system and the interactions that its sectarian nature brings about. Complex systemic and communal pressures at the heart of Lebanon's sectarian politics have undermined the likelihood of collective mobilization, but they have increased Lebanon's vulnerability to these events' aftershocks. Yet, the Lebanese political sys- tem's resistance to efforts towards democratization from below in the context of the uprisings, along with its proneness to instability, should be interpreted as one of the many temporal dilemmas entrenched within Lebanon's sectarian-based system.14 Transitions from war to democracy in divided societies impose trade-offs between the processes of democratization and peace building. Efforts towards democratization in such societies may have adverse effects on peace-building, while efforts at peace building may thwart democratization, which by nature entails competitiveness and car- ries along the risks of violence. …

Continuity and Change in Party Politics in Japan, Taiwan and South Korea

The 2012 elections in Japan, Taiwan and South Korea exhibit both long-term trends and short-term variations in each country's political landscape. All three societies are moving towards two-party competition lately, thanks mostly to the mixed-member majoritarian system adopted for legislative elections, despite the social cleavages that provide, to varying degrees, niches for small parties. The cleavage structure coupled with the electoral system largely explains the changing political landscape in these societies.

Swaziland: can southern Africa's last absolute monarchy democratise?

The disproportionate use of force by government paramilitary units against the 12 April 2011 pro-democracy demonstrations in Africa's last absolute monarchy, Swaziland, underlined the monarchy's flawed approach towards addressing popular dissent. The consequences of economic mismanagement by the government of King Mswati III are becoming dire and can no longer be quelled by political repression. The uprising was inspired by the revolutions in North Africa on the one hand and was the result of many years of relentless campaigning for the restoration of multiparty democracy led by banned opposition parties on the other. It would be a mistake to write off the significance of the uprising, which has consolidated a platform for democracy advocates in the country as well as opened up possibilities for ushering in change in the country's political landscape. In this paper, it is argued that the prospects for change in Swaziland will be determined by the degree of unity in the political agenda and strategy within the movement comprising trade unions, political parties and civil society organisations; broad-based mobilisation in much of the country's rural areas and political buy-in of the reform agenda by pro-monarchists; and a sustained momentum for change from Swaziland's neighbours and other key African and international partners.

Fighting for the rule of law: civil resistance and the lawyers' movement in Pakistan

Pakistan, sometimes referred to as ‘the most dangerous place on earth’, is not typically thought of as a place where popular nonviolent resistance could take root, much less succeed. Citizen apathy, poor governance, and fear of regime repression and terrorist violence are barriers to effective civic activism inside Pakistan. Yet, over the past two years, Pakistan's authoritarian ruler was ousted and its independent judiciary restored following a massive grassroots campaign led by lawyers. The ‘men in black’, whose insistence on the rule of law and embrace of nonviolent struggle captured the hearts and minds of millions of Pakistanis, helped transform the country's political landscape in unexpected ways. The successes tallied by this nonviolent movement, this article will argue, can be attributed to the large-scale non-cooperation and civil disobedience that pressured two successive Pakistani regimes – one authoritarian and one democratic – to yield to its demands. Unity and mass participation, nonviolent discipline, and the creative use of nonviolent tactics were three key ingredients of success. While instability and Islamist extremism continue to plague Pakistan, the lawyers' movement highlights the steadily growing strength of Pakistani civil society have a potential to influence democratic change in the country.

Recovering a Basic Space from Elite Surveys: Evidence from Latin America

I used elite survey data and scaling techniques to estimate the location of political actors (parties, chief executives, and legislators) from nine countries in a common ideological space. The recovered ideological configuration of each country accurately reflects the description of that country's political landscape given by the popular press and in the scholarly literature. My findings demonstrate that data generated by survey responses can be reliably used to locate legislators' ideological positions in a low‐dimensional space in a manner analogous to the roll‐call‐based methods commonly used in the scholarship on the U.S. Congress. My approach has two important advantages over methods that use roll‐call data, expert surveys, or some combination thereof. First, it does not rely on recorded votes and so is unaffected by concerns about the validity of roll‐call data as unbiased indicators of legislator preference. And, because it does not require access to voting records, this approach can be applied to any legislature in the world. Second, my method can be used to estimate the location of political actors in a common ideological space.

Pakistan's Afghan policies and their consequences

Pakistan's Afghan policies, so consequential for its neighbour, have also had a deep impact on the country's political landscape and society. This article examines how Pakistan has pursued a two-track foreign policy toward Afghanistan that often encompasses incompatible goals. Pakistan's leaders have also frequently ignored the long-term and wider implications of their policies domestically and regionally. The discussion looks at the consequences of Afghan policies for Pakistan's national identity and social cohesion. The means by which Islamabad governments have dealt with the challenge of Pashtun nationalism and its contribution to the development of ethnic assertiveness and Islamic radicalism are next examined. The article then describes the role of Afghan policies in transforming Pakistan's border regions with Afghanistan and the wider implications for the state's legitimacy and authority. It also points out the Pakistan Government's ambivalence in its relationship toward militant extremists. A subsequent section considers the costs and rewards of Pakistan's Afghan policies internationally; and Pakistan's strategic partnership with the United States, including its impact on the domestic economy and public attitudes, receives particular attention. Finally, the article recognises that, while Pakistan's politics have entered a transitional stage, its Afghan policies are likely to continue to affect ethnic fissures, religious radicalism, and the legitimate authority of the state.